The State of Cameroon, through the President of the Republic, has declared war - and is already waging it - on its own nationals in the north-west and south-west, on the pretext of fighting separatist terrorists. I, Cameroonian citizen, I do not agree.
I was born in the 1960s when my father was in prison (for the sixth time, I think). I was born and I spent a good part of my life, until my adolescence, in the territory of Sanaga-Maritime. I saw, with my frightened child's eyes, soldiers beating and humiliating our parents.
Taken together by the guerrillas (in most cases vulgar bandits without links to politics) and the soldiers of the Ahidjo regime, our people were suspected of everything by all: the guerrillas suspected them of collaborating with the repressive forces and the latter suspected them of complicity with the guerrillas.
On August 15, 1960, a few years before my birth, the village where my parents lived, Botko, was the subject of an armed attack. The guerrillas (close to the Upc, it seems) have murdered the parish priest, Jean Courtecuisse, of French nationality, who came to spend the Feast of the Assumption as another colonial leader, "the head of the subdivision" , came to spend holidays.
The next day, the village was invaded by hordes of soldiers who copiously beat the village chief in front of his people before attacking them, house after house, brutalizing children, raping women. The people have taken the path of the bush. The village was burned by the military. A state decision deported Botko citizens to other villages, allegedly to secure them and fight terrorists.
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The next day, the village was invaded by hordes of soldiers who copiously beat the village chief in front of his people before attacking them, house after house, brutalizing children, raping women. The people have taken the path of the bush. The village was burned by the military. A state decision deported Botko citizens to other villages, allegedly to secure them and fight terrorists.
In the memory of a child of this locality, no story told mentions only one son or one girl of Botko involved in "the maquis", even if it was recognized as one of the places where gatherings of support to the UPC in hiding. No military feat of arms mentions a clash between "terrorists" and military in Botko.
The assassination of the priest was an isolated act, the attack of that 15th of August being the only death. A prosperous village was demolished because a French priest was murdered by thugs. He alone knows why these people were angry with him.
They drove people out of their place of life. They called it modestly, grouping together. But that was nothing more than deportation. The boxes were set on fire to prevent families from returning. Our families spent ten years in deportation, in the most humiliating precariousness. I was born in deportation. Botko, whose name means "thousands of people," was a populous village, with at least four clans of the Log Malô descent. When deportations returned in 1970, less than a quarter of the population returned.
The assassination of the priest was an isolated act, the attack of that 15th of August being the only death. A prosperous village was demolished because a French priest was murdered by thugs. He alone knows why these people were angry with him.
They drove people out of their place of life. They called it modestly, grouping together. But that was nothing more than deportation. The boxes were set on fire to prevent families from returning. Our families spent ten years in deportation, in the most humiliating precariousness. I was born in deportation. Botko, whose name means "thousands of people," was a populous village, with at least four clans of the Log Malô descent. When deportations returned in 1970, less than a quarter of the population returned.
This village, which housed the largest Catholic school in the area (one of the three pilot schools for Catholic education in Babimbi), has never recovered, despite the efforts of those who have survived and returned.
From 1955 to the 1970s, the populations of Bassa and Bamileke villages experienced bullying and abuse of all kinds, in the name of the fight against the "maquisards". It was actually the defense of the colonial state embodied by Ahidjo.
In 2017, the war waged by the State of Cameroon in the English-speaking regions has one goal, to protect the iniquitous power of Paul Biya. To me, General Elokobi Njock is the Semengue of our time: a son of the country put to use for the repression.
Cameroonian citizen, I can not support this war that can be avoided by organizing a national dialogue to settle the various disputes of our society.
In this war, the poor populations of villages and cities will be terrorized. This war is a pit we are digging ourselves, an opportunity we offer to predators to seize our country. Ambazonia does not exist! This war is therefore a war of Cameroon on Cameroonians. She will destroy Cameroon!
I do not agree!
From 1955 to the 1970s, the populations of Bassa and Bamileke villages experienced bullying and abuse of all kinds, in the name of the fight against the "maquisards". It was actually the defense of the colonial state embodied by Ahidjo.
In 2017, the war waged by the State of Cameroon in the English-speaking regions has one goal, to protect the iniquitous power of Paul Biya. To me, General Elokobi Njock is the Semengue of our time: a son of the country put to use for the repression.
Cameroonian citizen, I can not support this war that can be avoided by organizing a national dialogue to settle the various disputes of our society.
In this war, the poor populations of villages and cities will be terrorized. This war is a pit we are digging ourselves, an opportunity we offer to predators to seize our country. Ambazonia does not exist! This war is therefore a war of Cameroon on Cameroonians. She will destroy Cameroon!
I do not agree!
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